This is an Annotation for Transparent Inquiry (ATI) data project.
Scholarship on human rights diplomacy (HRD)—efforts by government\nofficials to engage publicly and privately with their foreign counterparts—often focuses on\nactions taken to “name and shame” target countries, because private diplomatic activities\nare unobservable. To understand how HRD works in practice, we explore a campaign\ncoordinated by the US government to free twenty female political prisoners. We compare\nrelease rates of the featured women to two comparable groups: a longer list of women\nconsidered by the State Department for the campaign; and other women imprisoned\nsimultaneously in countries targeted by the campaign. Both approaches suggest that the\ncampaign was highly effective. We consider two possible mechanisms through which\nexpressive public HRD works: by imposing reputational costs and by mobilizing foreign\nactors. However, in-depth interviews with US officials and an analysis of media coverage\nfind little evidence of these mechanisms. Instead, we argue that public pressure resolved\ndeadlock within the foreign policy bureaucracy, enabling private diplomacy and specific\ninducements to secure the release of political prisoners. Entrepreneurial bureaucrats\nleveraged the spotlight on human rights abuses to overcome competing equities that\nprevent government-led coercive diplomacy on these issues. Our research highlights\nthe importance of understanding the intersection of public and private diplomacy before\ndrawing inferences about the effectiveness of HRD.\n\n
We generated four sources of data for this project:
\n1. A dataset of political prisoners from 13 countries based on Amnesty International Urgent Action reports between 2000 and 2015.
\n2. Arrest and release information for a dataset of female political prisoners
\n3. A dataset on media attention based on both news articles from LexisNexis and online search trends from Google Trends
\n4. Interviews conducted with U.S. government\nofficials and other human rights advocates involved in the #Freethe20 campaign to free\npolitical prisoners launched in September 2015
We used two sources of data for each of our two research questions. Our first research question\nwas: Did the #Freethe20 campaign have an impact on the release rate of political prisoners? In\nan ideal world, we would have a comprehensive set of female political prisoners to compare with\n#Freethe20 prisoners. However, as we explain in the manuscript, in countries with more dire\nhuman rights situations, arrests often go unreported. In some cases, the sheer volume of political\nprisoners makes chronicling information about them challenging, if not impossible. Therefore, in\norder to construct a comparable set of cases, one strategy we used was to collect information\nfrom Amnesty International’s “Urgent Action” campaigns. To our knowledge, Amnesty\nInternational has the most comprehensive, publicly available list of contemporary political\nprisoners globally. Their records are public and searchable, which allowed us to construct a\npopulation of political prisoners from the countries targeted by the #Freethe20 campaign. We\nbegan our data collection with a base set of Urgent Actions metadata generated by Judith Kelley\nand Dan Nielson via webscraping from the Amnesty International website. Using a list of URLs\nthat linked to each Urgent Action Report, we coded the name and sex of individuals featured in\neach Urgent Action Report from 2000 through September 2015 (the start of the #Freethe20\ncampaign) in the 13 countries featured in the campaign (Azerbaijan, Burma, China, Egypt,\nEthiopia, Eritrea, Iran, North Korea, Russia, Syria, Uzbekistan, Venezuela, and Vietnam).\nInstructions about how we coded this information and sample documents are available in the\nQDR repository (QDR: MyrickWeinstein_codebook_urgentaction.pdf).
\n\nAfter compiling a base dataset of individuals featured in Urgent Action reports, we identified the\nwomen in the dataset (~17% of entries) and conducted additional research about (1) whether\nthese women could be classified as political prisoners, and (2) whether and when these women\nwere released from prison, detention, or house arrest. Here, we relied on both follow-up\nreporting from Amnesty International as well as a variety of online news sources. We deposited\nthe coding instructions for this process (MyrickWeinstein_codebook_releaseinfo.pdf) and\nalso include documentation on additional online news sources that we used to make a\njudgment on a particular case.
\n\nOur second question was: How and under what conditions did #Freethe20 affect the release rate\nof female political prisoners? To answer this question, we look at strategies of both public\npressure and private, coercive diplomacy. For the former, we collected data on media attention\nand online search trends. We searched for newspapers and news articles that featured individuals\non the #Freethe20 list using Lexis Nexis. For each woman, we downloaded metadata of their\nnews coverage from Lexis Nexis and stored these HTML files—which were used to conduct a\nquantitative analysis of media coverage—with the QDR repository (QDR:\nMyrickWeinstein_lexisnexis_lastname.HTML). In addition, we gathered online search data\nbetween September 2013 and September 2018 for each individual featured on #Freethe20 from\nGoogle Trends, a tool that captures worldwide search interest on Google over time (QDR:\nMyrickWeinstein_data_f20_googletrends.csv).
\n\nTo assess whether government officials provided “carrots and sticks” privately to induce the\nrelease of specific prisoners, we relied on elite interviews. We conducted ten in-depth\ninterviews between August 2018 and January 2019 with the government officials and human rights advocates involved in the construction and implementation of the #Freethe20 campaign. We\nused snowball sampling to recruit participants, beginning with officials working in the office of\nthe U.S. Mission to the United Nations during the time the #Freethe20 campaign was conceived\nand launched. We were able to interview all ten of the individuals we contacted for roughly\n30-60 minutes. We further corroborated case-level details with another fifteen government officials working on specific cases. We store with QDR a list of questions used to\nstructure the interviews (MyrickWeinstein_interview_questionnaire.pdf). Because these\ninterviews were conducted anonymously, we are unable to include full interview transcripts.
\n\nFirst, to evaluate the effectiveness of the campaign, we used non-parametric and semi-parametric\nforms of survival analysis to compare the release rates of women featured in the #Freethe20\ncampaign to release rates of comparable female political prisoners. We provide more details\nabout this quantitative analysis in the manuscript. In terms of coding the underlying qualitative\nsources used to generate this quantitative data, in the QDR repository, we provide detailed\ncoding instructions for how we developed the base set of political prisoners and identified\nwhether they were male or female (MyrickWeinstein_codebook_urgentaction.pdf), and\nhow we identified and documented their release information (\nMyrickWeinstein_codebook_releaseinfo.pdf).
\n\nSecond, to evaluate whether public pressure via “naming and shaming” impacted the release rate\nof #Freethe20 women, we conducted quantitative analyses of media attention, drawing both on\nnews coverage from LexisNexis and online search interest from Google Trends, as described in\nthe previous section. We detail the regression analyses we used in the manuscript, and we\nprovide the underlying raw data in the QDR repository.
\n\nThird, to evaluate whether government officials used “carrots or sticks” privately, we used elite\ninterviews. In interpreting these results, we generally relied on a few principles. Where there\nwere discrepancies in the recollections of different interviewees, we tended to rely on the\ninterviewee with the closest firsthand knowledge of events. During the course of our interviews,\nwe probed respondents by asking them to think through an opposing or skeptical viewpoint.\nWhere possible, we corroborated the information provided by interviewees about specific cases\nwith online sources, including government reports and news articles.
\n\nWe used annotations in two ways. First, we used annotations to contextualize qualitative evidence we obtained from\ninterviews. We wanted to ensure that our evidence was compelling (i.e. that claims and quotes\nwere not “cherry picked” from interviews or taken out of context), but we also needed to\nmaintain the anonymity of our sources. Annotations allowed us to balance these concerns: we\ncould provide context for the quote without including the full transcript, which would\nrisk revealing the identity of the source. These annotations consist primarily of a source excerpt\nfrom the interview and an analytic note that puts the claim or quote in context with respect to the\nrest of our evidence.
\n\nSecond, we used annotations to make quantitative analyses in the paper more accessible to readers. For example, we include annotations throughout the paper that describe figures and tables in non-technical terms.
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